دانلود رایگان مقاله چشم انداز کشاورزی در حال تحول شغل کشت و زرع هاوایی

Abstract

Hawai‘i's agricultural landscape was previously dominated by large monocrop plantations of sugar cane and pineapple, but following a sweeping series of plantation closures beginning at the end of the twentieth century, that era has concluded. The last spatial assessment of Hawai‘i's agricultural footprint was completed in 1980, during the active plantation period. Here we present the results of a 2015 statewide assessment of the commercial crop footprint for Hawai‘i, based on World-View 2 satellite imagery and supporting datasets. We analyzed changes relative to the 1980 baseline on both a statewide and regional basis, to better understand how Hawai‘i's agricultural system has evolved in the post-plantation era. Sugar cane and pineapple saw dramatic reductions during this period, collectively losing more acres (257,000) than were planted for all crops combined (152,000) in 2015. Idle plantation lands and past plantation-era investments in irrigation and other infrastructure have created opportunities for other types of agriculture, despite rising land values, new and existing tropical diseases, and other challenges. Seed crops, primarily for genetically modified corn trials, were the second largest crop in 2015 (24,000 acres) despite having no mapped footprint in 1980. Commercial forestry, also absent in 1980, covered 23,000 acres in 2015. Macadamia nut, coffee, and diversified agriculture also all saw significant gains in their footprints, with coffee plantings increasing >250% during this period. Despite these gains, the Hawaiian Islands continue to have an extremely low degree of self-reliance for food production. The Oahu plain, adjacent to the major population center of Honolulu, has the most potential for considerably increasing the production of local produce, but without changes in consumption patterns and significant efforts to protect agricultural land from development, any increases in local food production will continue to be incremental. The post-plantation agricultural landscape in Hawaii is smaller, more diversified, and more nimble than it was in 1980, reflecting inter-island geographic differences in land use, history, and ownership. Mapping and assessing spatial changes in agricultural activity over time can provide valuable insights for decision-makers and communities as they continue to define what agriculture should look like in the post-plantation era. Our results suggest that Hawai‘i's agricultural landscape and overall production capability will continue to contract without substantial changes in policy and practice.

5. Conclusions

Hawai‘i's 2015 agricultural footprint reveals dramatic reductions in large scale sugar and pineapple plantation operations compared to the 1980 statewide assessment, dwarfing gains in other crop types on an acreage basis and producing an overall decrease in agricultural output for the state (Table 2, Fig. 4). With the impending closure of another 36,000 acres of sugar production, these decreases will continue in the short-term. But these same closures and reductions also provide an opportunity. Hawai‘i has a surplus of agricultural land, and valuable infrastructure already in place from past plantation-era investments. Taking advantage of these conditions, the seed industry has established a thriving industry in Hawai‘i, one that will become the number one crop in both acreage and value once HC&S ceases operations in 2017. Beyond GM seed, boutique export crops like coffee and macadamia nuts are also on the rise, filling in similar voids in former plantation lands. On their own, these types of increases in agricultural productivity, should they continue, do little to impact Hawai‘i's tenuous level of food self-reliance or address a growing movement and demand for locally produced foods in Hawai‘i (Costa & Besio, 2011; Department of Business Economic Development and Tourism, 2012). Although there have been clear gains in the amount of diversified agriculture in the state and increasing attention paid to ‘canoe plants’ like Breadfruit, which formed the basis of sustainable food systems for the pre-contact native Hawaiian society (Ladefoged, Kirch, GonChadwick, Hartshorn, & Vitousek, 2011, 2009; Liu, Ragone, & Murch, 2015), without fundamental changes in consumption patterns, availability and cost of imported food, and government policies, these gains will continue to be incremental and barely dent the food security issues facing the state.